Dr. Ghulam Nabi Fai
Chairman
World Forum for Peace & Justice
July 18, 2026
Once again, Pakistan finds itself debating a proposal that has surfaced repeatedly over the years—and every time it does, it raises the same fundamental question: why weaken our own position on Kashmir?
A group of senior members of the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly, led by Leader of the House Amjad Hussain, Leader of the Opposition Hafiz Hafeezur Rehman, Deputy Speaker Malik Kifayat-ur-Rehman, along with Syed Jalal Ali Shah, Muhammad Dilpazir and Farman Ali, have proposed that the Government of Pakistan grant Gilgit-Baltistan the status of a provisional province through constitutional amendments.
No one questions their sincerity. The people of Gilgit-Baltistan have genuine grievances. They deserve constitutional protections, economic development, quality education, modern healthcare, employment opportunities, and a greater voice in governance. Those aspirations are both legitimate and long overdue. But constitutional incorporation into Pakistan is not the answer.
Ironically, the same proposal condemns India’s unilateral actions of August 5, 2019—the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A and the reorganization of Jammu and Kashmir—as violations of United Nations Security Council resolutions and international law.
That is precisely where the contradiction lies. If Pakistan argues that India’s unilateral alteration of the status of disputed territory is illegal, how can it justify undertaking a similar constitutional change in another part of the same internationally disputed State of Jammu and Kashmir?
Pakistan has spent decades building a principled diplomatic case before the international community. It has consistently maintained that the future of Jammu and Kashmir must be determined through the right of self-determination as envisaged in the United Nations Security Council resolutions. Every government in Islamabad has defended that position, regardless of political party.
Prime Minister Mian Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif has repeatedly reaffirmed Pakistan’s unwavering political, diplomatic and moral support for the Kashmiri people’s right to self-determination.
Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir has likewise emphasized that Kashmir remains an international dispute and that the wishes of its people must determine its future.
Making Gilgit-Baltistan a constitutional province would inevitably create an inconsistency between Pakistan’s stated position and its actions.
The issue is not merely legal; it is also political and diplomatic. If Pakistan formally incorporates Gilgit-Baltistan, New Delhi will almost certainly argue that Islamabad has done exactly what it accuses India of doing—unilaterally altering the constitutional status of disputed territory. The legal contexts may differ, but the political narrative would become far easier for India to sell internationally.
Pakistan’s strongest argument has always rested on consistency. That consistency should not be surrendered.
Successive Pakistani leaders understood this reality. In March 2016, then Prime Minister Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif assured Mohammad Yasin Malik that Pakistan would never compromise its principled position on Jammu and Kashmir and would not take any step that could prejudice the internationally recognized dispute or undermine the Kashmiri people’s right to self-determination.
More than half a century earlier, Foreign Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto informed the United Nations Security Council that no unilateral adjustment could alter the status of Jammu and Kashmir pending the will of its people.
In January 1948, Sir Muhammad Zafrullah Khan, Pakistan’s first Foreign Minister, similarly affirmed before the Security Council that Gilgit-Baltistan formed part of the State of Jammu and Kashmir.
These were not casual statements. They formed the foundation of Pakistan’s international legal and diplomatic position. The United Nations Security Council itself reinforced this principle in Resolutions 91 (1951), 122 (1957), and 126 (1957), making clear that no local constitutional arrangement could determine the final disposition of Jammu and Kashmir.
This is why converting Gilgit-Baltistan into a province carries consequences extending far beyond domestic politics.
During a recent discussion, a former Pakistani diplomat remarked to me, “With friends like these, Kashmir does not need any enemy.” His words may sound harsh, but they reflect an uncomfortable truth: a well-intentioned proposal can nevertheless produce damaging consequences.
None of this means that Gilgit-Baltistan’s concerns should be ignored. Quite the opposite. Islamabad should urgently address the region’s longstanding grievances. Massive investments in infrastructure, higher education, healthcare, tourism, renewable energy, roads, and employment are long overdue. The people of Gilgit-Baltistan deserve equitable treatment, meaningful political participation, and sustained economic development.
As Justice Muzaffar Ali, former Judge of the Gilgit-Baltistan Supreme Appellate Court, aptly observed, “A prosperous Pakistan requires addressing the grievances of GBians, which are being felt bitterly by the educated youth of Gilgit-Baltistan.” That is where Pakistan’s immediate focus should be. There are many ways to strengthen Gilgit-Baltistan without weakening Pakistan’s international position on Kashmir.
Every constitutional word carries consequences. Diplomats know that a single phrase negotiated in an international agreement can shape policy for generations. Constitutional amendments concerning disputed territory deserve no less caution.
Pakistan must certainly stand with the people of Gilgit-Baltistan. It must address their legitimate demands with urgency and sincerity. But one course should remain firmly off the table: making Gilgit-Baltistan a constitutional province before the final settlement of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute.
The people of Jammu and Kashmir have sacrificed too much, and Pakistan has invested too many decades building its principled case before the world, to jeopardize both through a decision whose long-term consequences may prove irreversible.
Lastly, I am grateful to the constitutional scholars, former diplomats, legal experts, and members of the Kashmiri diaspora, particularly Dr. Syed Nazir Gilani, Professor Zafar Khan, Dr. Mubeen Shah, Dr. Farhan Chak, Dr. Imtiaz Khan and many others, whose thoughtful discussions, historical insights, and unwavering commitment to the principle of self-determination have informed this article. Their dedication to safeguarding both the rights of the people of Gilgit-Baltistan and the internationally recognized status of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute deserves sincere appreciation.
Dr. Fai is also Secretary General
World Kashmir Awareness Forum.
He can be reached at: WhatsApp: 1-202-607-6435
gnfai2003@yahoo.com
www.kashmirawareness.org
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