The tensions unfolding in the Middle East are not merely a war; they represent a grand contest spread across the chessboard of global politics. In this contest, major powers make decisions according to their own interests, while smaller and middle-sized states are often left to bear the consequences. For Pakistan, the most crucial lesson in this situation is to place its national interest and survival above every other consideration.
If one examines the history of Pakistan–United States relations considering the statement attributed to a former U.S. Secretary of State; “America’s friendship can be more dangerous than its enmity”—a striking reality emerges: this relationship has largely been shaped by Washington’s strategic needs and shifting interests. During the Cold War, Pakistan was used as an important outpost to contain the spread of communism in the region. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was incorporated into defense alliances such as the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO). In return for this partnership, Pakistan did receive military and economic assistance. However, when critical moments arrived—such as the 1965 Indo-Pakistan War and later the 1971 war;Washington’s support proved limited and cautious.
During the Afghan War (1979–1989), Pakistan once again became a central pillar of American strategy in the region. It played a crucial role in supporting resistance against Soviet forces. Yet once the Soviet-Afghan War came to an end, American priorities shifted again, leaving Pakistan to face sanctions and diplomatic isolation. A prominent example of this was the Pressler Amendment. Such developments deepened the perception among many in Pakistan that structuring foreign policy around a single global power cannot serve long-term national interests.
In this context, it is also worth recalling that in the early years after Pakistan’s creation, the Soviet leadership invited Pakistan’s first Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, to visit the Soviet Union. However, due to geographical considerations and unclear political priorities, Pakistan chose to turn toward the United States instead of Moscow. As a result, the country’s foreign policy orientation increasingly consolidated in a single direction. Had balanced relations with Moscow been cultivated at that time, Pakistan might have faced fewer strategic constraints today.
Pakistan’s relationship with China presents a different example altogether. Since the 1960s, the two countries have maintained a continuous tradition of trust and cooperation. In defence, diplomacy, and economic spheres, this partnership has remained strong. Its most visible manifestation today is the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor, which represents not only a major gateway of economic opportunity for Pakistan but also an important model of regional connectivity and geopolitical balance.
The emerging global order—gradually assuming a multipolar character; demands that Pakistan incorporate balance, breadth, and strategic wisdom into both its domestic and foreign policies. Prudence dictates that Pakistan expands its relations with Russia and China, elevating them beyond symbolic ties toward genuine strategic depth. Balanced diplomacy can better address Pakistan’s economic and defence needs while also stabilizing the regional balance of power, enabling the country to confront potential threats along its eastern borders with greater confidence.
Energy security is another matter of paramount importance for Pakistan. During global crises, the supply of oil and gas directly affects a country’s economy and its defence capability. Russia currently ranks among the world’s major energy producers, and Russian oil is often available in the global market at comparatively lower prices. From a geographical and commercial perspective, it is also conceivable that, through appropriate arrangements, Russian oil could reach Pakistan. If Islamabad adopts a serious and well-planned strategy in this direction, it could not only reduce energy costs but also strengthen its economic security. Moreover, cooperation with such partners could help Pakistan gradually reduce its dependence on the International Monetary Fund.
Given the changing dynamics in the Middle East and the persistent threats looming along Pakistan’s eastern borders, it is imperative for the country to expand its strategic oil reserves. Present circumstances demand that Pakistan maintain reserves sufficient for at least six months of national consumption. Achieving this would require new oil storage facilities, regional energy cooperation, and carefully designed alternative supply chains. In essence, energy security is an integral component of national security.
Another critical element in the regional security environment is the tension between Pakistan and India. The balance of power in South Asia has always been delicate. Should Pakistan face severe economic or energy pressures during a major regional crisis, India might attempt to exploit such circumstances. It is therefore essential for Pakistan to strengthen its defence posture and diplomatic strategy to the greatest extent possible.
In pursuit of this objective, deeper and long-lasting relations with countries such as China and Russia could prove highly beneficial. China is already Pakistan’s most significant strategic partner, while prospects for cooperation with Russia in energy, trade, and defence are steadily expanding. If these ties are further consolidated, Pakistan could gain not only economic support but also a more effective regional defensive equilibrium.
The current global landscape also carries an important message for the Arab world. In the politics of the region, great powers invariably prioritise their own interests. Arab states must recognise this reality with clarity. Western powers largely maintain relationships with these countries because of their wealth and their capacity for large-scale military purchases. Most Arab states lack sustained systems of research and development, and even the limited structures that do exist often depend heavily on the West.
This reality serves as a reminder of the need for cautious and balanced diplomacy. If Arab countries strengthen cooperation among themselves and contribute to the economic and strategic stability of partners such as Pakistan, they will not only safeguard their own interests but also open the door to broader regional stability. The present moment offers a historic opportunity for the Middle East to transform itself—from a region dependent on global powers into one capable of playing an active, autonomous, and balanced role.
Through partnership with Pakistan, these countries could develop effective research and development systems capable of addressing the region’s future defence, economic, and technological needs. In a similar spirit, European nations once established a shared monetary framework through the Euro, thereby creating economic balance and integration. Pakistan and the Arab world, in collaboration with Russia and China, could explore the creation of a joint currency or an integrated economic arrangement. Such an initiative would not only provide an alternative to the global dominance of the United States Dollar but would also strengthen economic sovereignty within the region.
From an intellectual perspective, such relationships would extend beyond immediate economic or political interests. They would form a strategic system linking the countries of the region more closely with one another—facilitating a fairer distribution of resources and knowledge while providing a solid foundation for confronting both internal and external threats. If Pakistan and the Arab world cultivate their relations with this depth of vision, regional stability would increase, and even the world’s dominant centers of power would be compelled to acknowledge a new equilibrium.
This philosophy is not merely a theoretical suggestion; it calls for a practical strategy. One must remember that setting one’s own house ablaze in order to illuminate someone else’s is not wisdom. Rather, it is cautious, balanced, and sovereign strategic engagement that guarantees the light of the future.
Pakistan’s military capability and its geostrategic significance give it an important place within the Islamic world. For this reason, Pakistan’s role in the region’s future security architecture could become even more prominent. If the country achieves economic strength and political stability, it will not only secure its own defence but also contribute to broader regional stability.
Another aspect of the present crisis is that certain global leaders appear willing to manipulate religious sentiments in pursuit of political strategy. In such circumstances, it is essential for the Arab and Muslim world to respond not with emotion but with wisdom and realism, for in global politics it is interests—not emotions—that ultimately determine outcomes.
In conclusion, national security does not depend solely on military strength. It is equally rooted in economic stability, energy security, and balanced diplomacy. If Pakistan aligns its domestic and foreign policies with the realities of the emerging global order, it can not only safeguard itself against current crises but also emerge in the future as a strong and dignified state.
As for the United States, its behaviour sometimes resembles that of a donkey accustomed to kicking wildly in every direction—until one day, in the course of those reckless kicks, it strikes a bomb itself, leaving no time even to regret its own impulsive act.
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